By Keith Shepherd Grant
August, 2025
Religion in New Brunswick has been both local and global in character. That is, individuals and organizations in this province have participated in overlapping transnational religious structures, movements, networks, and debates. Yet, they have done so by adapting these to the particular conditions of life in New Brunswick. This essay will attempt to take a bi-focal view—global and local—in its survey of religion up to about 1900. Some modern readers may need to exercise historical empathy to understand the givenness of religion for many New Brunswickers before the mid-twentieth century—how pervasive religious ideas and practices were and how seamlessly integrated they were into the warp and weft of daily life. This is not to say that religion was uncontested or meant the same thing to everyone, but simply to make the point that lived religious experience was less compartmentalized then than it has become.
This bibliography’s chronological coverage begins with the advent of Europeans and their religions, but the Indigenous inhabitants of this land had rich, complex beliefs and practices prior to contact with Europeans, which have persisted despite the pressures of colonialism. The worldviews of the Indigenous peoples of what is now New Brunswick have been from time immemorial grounded in the homeland that they know as Wabanakik (Dawnland), Peskotomuhkatikuk, the Wolastoq River Valley, or Mi’kma’ki.1 Their religious practices and founding stories are profoundly shaped by the particular waterways, woodlands, coastlines, and territories they inhabit.2 The Mi’kmaw, Wolastoqey, and Pasamadquoddy peoples share many features of a common religious culture—including the Kluskap cycle of stories—but also developed distinctive ideas, emphases, and customs because of their different languages, local ecologies, and seasonal lifeways.3 In addition to the local and particular, Wolastoqey, Mi’kmaw, and Pasamadquoddy religion also drew upon their wider connections to other Eastern and Central Algonquian cultures, and through longer-range networks, other Indigenous people across Turtle Island. Even before the arrival of Europeans, Indigenous cultures were dynamic.
There are challenges to describing Wolastoqey, Mi’kmaw, and Pasamadquoddy religion prior to the arrival of Europeans. Nevertheless, some themes recur in the collective witness of oral traditions, archaeology, and the accounts of sixteenth- to eighteenth-century missionaries. One anthropologist summarized a foundational tenet in this way: “Life is everywhere—visible and invisible, beneath the ground and under the sea.”4 Wabanaki peoples recognized a Great Spirit, who is the Creator, and also a whole range of supernatural and other-than-human beings who do not map neatly onto European religious categories.5 The best known, but certainly not the only, of these other-than-human beings is Kluskap, whose special role appears to be adapting the natural world and humans toward harmony with one another.6 Indigenous people in this region have a keen awareness of ‘all their relations,’ most broadly encompassing kin, all other beings, and the land, with all of whom they understand themselves to have “reciprocal relationships and moral obligations.”7
Early seventeenth-century French settlement of what they called Acadia was shaped in part by Christian missionary activity, as well as imperial and mercantile interests. This missionary presence in the Wabanaki Dawnland, however, was anything but monolithic, mirroring some of the religious plurality and tensions in early modern France as, from the outset, Jesuits, Recollets, and Capuchins—Roman Catholic orders with different emphases and approaches—and Protestant Huguenots vied for influence in the region.8 During the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Catholic priests, both those from missionary orders and secular (i.e. not part of an order), served the Indigenous and settler population of what is now New Brunswick from settlements at Miramachi, Gaspé, Meductic, and Beaubassin, as well as from Maine and Nova Scotia.9 Sometimes missionaries aligned with the interests of empire or private capital, and at other times they were at odds with them because of the missionaries’ focus on the conversion of Indigenous peoples.10
Dating from at least the baptism of Chief Membertou at Port-Royal in 1610, Roman Catholicism had become an important, if complicated, part of Wabanaki identity.11 Like other Indigenous North Americans, the Mi’kmaq and Wolastoqiyik adopted Christianity for a variety of reasons and adapted its beliefs and practices to their cultures and needs. European-style literacy, for example, could complement the non-alphabetic literacies practiced by Indigenous people, and had political utility when negotiating with settler officials, as well as the devotional and ‘civilizing’ uses envisioned by missionaries.12 Since at least the mid-eighteenth century, Indigenous people in the region have had a special devotion to St. Anne, thought to be the grandmother of Jesus; although also an important religious figure in New France and Acadia, Indigenous people in this region (and beyond) have been drawn to St. Anne because of their culture’s respect for grandmothers. The celebration of St. Anne’s Day often combined Catholic devotion with political gatherings and traditional ceremonies.13 The adoption of Catholicism rarely entailed a complete exchange of worldviews, as Wabanaki communities braided together local traditional beliefs and customs, Indigenous teachings from across North America, and elements of Christianity.
Under the British administration of Acadia, following the Conquest (1710) and the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), the majority Catholic population was permitted to practice their religion, so long as French priests swore their loyalty to the British Crown.14 Yet, as distinctive Acadian communities developed, they often did so with few parish priests to serve their population; this was especially the case in the smaller communities at Chipoudie and Tantremarre.15 In the absence of pastoral oversight, vestries and parish assemblies, through which laity exercised a degree of local self-governance, assumed great importance, particularly in the politically fraught years leading up to the beginning of the grand dérangement in 1755.16 Though somewhat of an outlier among French clerics, Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre played a central role in encouraging Acadian and Indigenous resistance to British power in the Chignecto Isthmus (and beyond).17 The religious dimension of Acadian life was heartbreakingly expressed at the time of the deportation: when British officials made the decision to forcibly break up and expel much of the Acadian population from the region to make room for more putatively loyal Protestant subjects, many Acadians first heard the proclamations in their churches, many of their men were imprisoned in those same buildings, and British or New England troops razed churches as part of the destruction of Acadian communities.
As the grand dérangement tragically illustrates, by mid-century Britain had not yet come to terms religiously with its increasingly pluralistic empire. Protestantism was, for much of the long eighteenth century, an important aspect of British identity over against European or colonial Catholic “others.”18 Protestantism, that is, was seen as an essential ingredient to loyal British citizenship. Beginning in 1758, British officials at Halifax sought to repopulate the lands of the expelled Acadians with what they saw as loyal Protestant subjects, primarily from New England. These Planters migrated into townships in Nova Scotia, including what is now southern New Brunswick, enticed by the promise of freedom of religion (for Protestants), as well as free land and a representative assembly.19 Though the Church of England had a nominal establishment in the colony and the support of many elites, the Fundy townships also became home to Yorkshire Methodist, New England Congregationalist and New Light, Pennsylvania Lutheran, and Scottish Presbyterian settlers. The religious and cultural plurality on the ground in what became New Brunswick is nicely represented in this report of the activities of Anglican missionary, Rev. Thomas Wood, at Saint John, on 1 July 1769:
Performed divine service and preached in English in the forenoon and in Indian [likely Wolastoqiyik] in the afternoon to 13 Indian men and women. In the evening many of the Acadians being present, Mr. Wood held service in French, the Indians again attending, many of them more familiar with this language than with the English.20
As imperial officials attempted to remake the Dawnland / Acadia into a Protestant space, the reality on the ground remained more complex, as Acadians and Indigenous people continued to cultivate lay Catholic spirituality (and, in the case of the latter, preserving traditional worldviews), as well as a wide spectrum of Protestant belief and practice.
During and after the upheavals of the American War of Independence (1775-1783), evangelical Protestant revival swept through many Maritime communities, sparked especially by New Light preacher Henry Alline (1748-1784).21 Born in Rhode Island and arriving in Falmouth, Nova Scotia, as part of the New England Planter migration, Alline fomented one of the region’s most enduring and consequential religious movements. From his base in the Annapolis Valley, Alline had a wide-ranging itinerant ministry throughout the Maritime colonies, including New Brunswick settlements along the Petitcodiac and Saint John Rivers and around the Bay of Fundy. He established New Light churches at Maugerville (1779) and Sackville-Amherst (1791).22 Alline’s charismatic, emotionally engaging preaching participated in a broader movement of populist, anti-Calvinist, socially egalitarian evangelicalism throughout the North American colonies.23 Through his journal, large body of hymns, and sermons, Alline exercised literary as well as spiritual influence.24 Although the New Light churches that Alline planted did not long remain a fixture of the religious landscape, this brand of evangelicalism prepared the way for the subsequent spread (with some adaptations) of Baptist and Methodist churches.25
The arrival in this region of thousands of Loyalists after the American Revolution intensified Anglo-American settlement, led quickly to the creation of New Brunswick as a separate colony, and launched an effort by elites (with uneven results) to foster an Anglican society.26 A 1786 Act of the General Assembly attempted to thread the needle between establishing the Church of England in the province and also “securing Liberty of Conscience in matters of Religion” for dissenters.27 The act ensured the primacy and privileges of the Church of England, but allowed other denominations to build meeting houses, choose their ministers, and practice their faith. Dissenting preachers, however, were required to secure a license from the Governor and take oaths of fidelity and allegiance to the Crown or face stiff fines and imprisonment.28 The Assembly’s Marriage Act of 1789, preventing dissenting ministers from officiating, remained for decades a religious and political irritant.29
Nevertheless, beneath the veneer of Anglican establishment, a range of Protestants flourished in New Brunswick. Members of the Society of Friends (Quakers), refugees from the polarized political climate of revolutionary Pennsylvania, established Pennfield at Beaver Harbour, on Passamaquoddy Bay.30 Their religiously-motivated anti-slavery convictions compelled these settlers to assert, “No slave master admitted”—a remarkable statement of polity for its time.31 Black Loyalists along the Saint John River and elsewhere in the province cultivated a vital, evangelical, and usually Baptist faith.32 Among their most important leaders was David George (1742-1810), born into slavery in Virginia, a preacher at the first Black Baptist Church in North America, at Silver Bluff, Georgia, and a powerful evangelist and church planter throughout Loyalist Nova Scotia. George made at least two visits across the Bay of Fundy to New Brunswick, at Saint John and Fredericton, baptizing converts and organizing ongoing church meetings. Of his second visit, he reported, “When I was landing at St. John’s [NB], some of the people who intended to be baptized were so full of joy that they ran out from waiting at table on their masters, with the knives and forks in their hands, to meet me at the waterside. … Our going down into the water [in baptism] seemed to be a pleasing sight to the whole town, White people and Black.”33 Black Refugees from the War of 1812 would later be settled in communities such as Willow Grove, where despite significant disadvantages, a community and a Baptist church were established.34 Richard Preston, later the founder of the African Baptist Association, also had an itinerant ministry in the province, beginning in the 1820s.35 Throughout New Brunswick, evangelicals of various stripes—Methodist, Baptist, New Light—connected local residents to transatlantic revival movements but at the same time, their critics feared, threatened to undo the social fabric of established church-township covenants.36 In the decades during and after the American Revolution and the War of 1812, Protestant denominations each had to work out their own response to the period’s upheavals in religious networks throughout the Atlantic world.37 For some Baptist itinerants, such as Edward Manning and Ziba Pope, and for ordinary evangelical congregants, the border between New Brunswick and Maine remained porous, while Methodist churches were pulled between American and British connections.38
Another consequence of the Loyalist migration in New Brunswick is that settlements more frequently and permanently encroached on Mi’kmaw, Wolastoqey, and Pasamadquoddy homelands and disrupted millennia-old lifeways. Churches and missionary organizations, sometimes as agents of empire and sometimes attempting to be ameliorating allies, saw the schooling of Indigenous children as a means of both Christianizing and ‘civilizing’ them. One of the longest-running instances in New Brunswick was the Sussex Vale Indian School, which operated from 1787 until 1826. The school was run by the London-based Company for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England (usually referred to as the New England Company), a Protestant missionary society.39 For much of its history, the institution combined day schooling with the indentured apprenticeship of Indigenous children to local residents (providing householders with a generous stipend as well as the free labour of the children). Despite the putatively religious and humanitarian intentions of the Company, the project separated families, alienated children from their language and culture, exploited their labour, and too-frequently subjected them to abuse.40
In the early decades of the nineteenth century, as Protestant dissenting denominations consolidated greater institutional presence in New Brunswick, the Roman Catholic Church experienced a sweeping change, which one historian describes in these before-and-after terms: “At the beginning of the period, Catholicism had the status of a proscribed religion; by the end, it was totally free.”41 In 1830, the New Brunswick Assembly adopted the British Parliament’s “An Act for the Relief of His Majesty’s Roman Catholic Subjects,” emancipating that body of citizens from the political restraints and disabilities to which they had been subjected.42
Along with the political emancipation of Catholics, Irish Catholic immigration to the province, ecclesiastical reorganization, and the assertiveness of Ultramontane clericalism allowed the Church to consolidate its institutional presence in New Brunswick. In 1842, Saint John was designated a diocese over the province (previously having been under the oversight of Quebec, Halifax, or Charlottetown), and it would be split again in 1860 between Saint John in the south and Chatham in the north.43 This strengthening of anglophone Catholicism was a mixed blessing for Acadians. Despite the considerable number of Acadian Catholics in the province, they were, until the middle of the nineteenth century, served by only a handful of francophone priests, and Acadians were not represented in the regional ecclesiastical leadership.44 In the relative absence of clerical oversight, however, lay Acadian Catholic practice often thrived.45
As Irish famine refugees arrived by the thousands in North American ports during the 1840s, that country’s Catholic-Protestant tensions spread to New Brunswick (and especially Saint John). The previous denominational balance gave way to sectarian ribbon campaigns, marches, and riots, fueled by a combination of nativism, contested claims to British loyalism, and economic competition.46
For much of the nineteenth century, Christian churches adopted ambitious programs of social reform and evangelization, much of their activity enabled by voluntary societies. At the same time that other interests organized associations to bring about improvements in agriculture, literacy, or the prevention of cruelty to animals, societies to promote the spread of Bibles and religious literature, temperance, education, missions, and the abolition of slavery were created.47 Although clergy were certainly enthusiastic supporters of such initiatives, these societies depended upon lay (and often female) leadership and support. As Judith Fingard observes, “In a rapidly developing area like the Miramichi, women played a key role in sustaining such social ventures.”48 As women’s missionary societies (and, indeed, as women became overseas missionaries) and Women’s Christian Temperance Unions proliferated in communities across the province, women embraced the community activism and leadership that would also later become foundational for the female suffrage movement.49
As the religious life of New Brunswick continued to diversify throughout the nineteenth century, the presumed Anglican establishment in the province seemed more of a fiction, and by the late 1840s, most remaining disadvantages for dissenters were removed from legislation.50 Yet it would be a mistake to assume that the Church of England ceased to be relevant or was quiescent. Under the leadership of Bishop John Medley (1804-1892), consecrated to the new see of Fredericton in 1845, the Anglican church in New Brunswick underwent a renewal—embodied in an ambitious program of church building.51 In another instance of how transatlantic movements affected local religious experience, Medley was an energetic proponent of the Oxford Movement. This movement’s Anglo Catholic philosophy, known as Tractarianism after the tracts that promoted it, emphasized liturgy and neo-Gothic architecture that encouraged reverence for the divine.52 At the outset, local parishes resisted these English innovations and centralized episcopal oversight, but eventually, Medley’s pointed arches and neo-Gothic spires would be found in every corner of the province, and the Church of England had found a vitality that did not depend upon establishment.
The ongoing importance of Catholicism to both Mi’kmaw and Acadian communities—and the strong relationship between them—into the nineteenth century was embodied in their joint construction in 1842 of Sainte Anne’s Chapel at Beaumont, on the Petitcodiac River.53 Overlooking marshland dyked by Acadians and long a place of importance for the Mi’kmaq, the chapel was for generations the site of annual Saint Anne’s Day gatherings.
Canadian confederation was arguably not primarily a religious event, but debates about Confederation in New Brunswick did sometimes break along religious and linguistic lines. While official Catholic voices largely supported the political union of the Canadas and the Maritimes, many Acadians instead followed the lead of Albert J. Smith’s anti-confederation campaign. Once the British North America Act was a fait accompli, however, Acadians were hopeful that the union would lead to economic opportunity (because of the railway) and protection of their unique culture (as they observed happening among the Canadiens).54
The New Brunswick schools question in the years immediately after confederation, however, challenged any naiveté about a common cause between francophones in Acadia and Quebec, and forced Catholics in this province to seek pragmatic rather than idealistic protection for their rights as a large religious minority.55 The 1871 Common Schools Act made all New Brunswick schools non-denominational and would have disqualified as teachers many of the Catholic religious (who had not previously been required to attend the provincial Normal School). On the basis of the constitutional protections afforded religious and linguistic minorities in the Canadas, Irish and Acadian Catholics in New Brunswick vociferously protested in both the provincial Assembly and federal Parliament. Conservative politicians—including those in Quebec—were unwilling upset the recently negotiated, delicate balance between federal and provincial jurisdictions to make an exception in this case. The heated, religiously freighted debate turned violent in the Caraquet Riot of 1875, in which two men were killed. In the end, New Brunswick Catholics were not afforded the special legislative protections enshrined in the BNA Act for denominational minorities in the Canadas, but provincial officials made practical compromises on issues such as school choice, teacher education, and religious instruction that for the time being allowed Catholics, and especially Acadians, to educate their children according to their religious and linguistic traditions.
The Catholic church was integral to the renaissance of Acadian nationalism and the building of Acadian cultural institutions from the 1860s through to the early decades of the twentieth century. Clergy from France and Quebec, and eventually Acadia, were instrumental in the development of an Acadian elite and a sense of Acadian identity.56 As Léon Thériault has detailed: “it must still be remembered that the church established numerous institutions in the fields of education, journalism, and health care.”57 Educational institutions such as the Collège Saint-Joseph at Memramcook and numerous hospitals were established by Acadian religious. Newspapers such as Le Moniteur acadien and L’Evangeline gave voice to the desire for Acadian church leadership.58 After decades of primarily Irish Catholic leadership, not always responsive to Acadian culture, the early twentieth century saw meaningful Acadian entry into the Church hierarchy: in 1912, Rev. Eduoard LeBlanc (educated at Acadian institutions in Memramcook and Church Point) was consecrated bishop at Saint John; in 1920, Mgr. Patrice Chiasson became bishop at Chatham; and in 1924, an order of Acadian nuns was founded.59 In 1936, following the earlier creation of a francophone parish in Moncton, that city became the seat of a new Acadian diocese and saw the appointment of Acadian bishop, Mgr. Louis-Joseph-Arthur Melanson.60
As Acadian elites helped their communities and churches express their unique identity and take a more prominent place in provincial society, so too were the region’s Black churches becoming a greater source of community vitality. The case of Rev. Henry A.S. Hartley, pastor of St. Phillip’s African Methodist Episcopalian (AME) Church in Saint John between 1888-1890, is both illuminating and idiosyncratic. Born in Trinidad, Hartley represents the dynamic nature of African Canadian communities of the period, as people of Caribbean descent joined the historic Black communities in the region. St. Phillip’s was a small congregation, and one of Hartley’s strategies for reaching out to the local Black population, echoing methods adopted elsewhere, was to model respectability and seek “opportunities for African Canadians within community associations.”61 It is noteworthy that Abraham Beverley Walker, the region’s first Black lawyer, was a lay member of this congregation.62 Hartley, like many other Black leaders of his generation, was “integrationist in theory but, of necessity, a separatist in practice” as their search for respectability was often met with seemingly intractable racism.63 Hartley’s relationships with his churches were contentious, and he appeared to have falsified some of his credentials, yet his experience nevertheless highlights the agency of Black communities at the outset of the twentieth century.
There had been a small Jewish presence in what is now New Brunswick from the mid-eighteenth century, including at Fort Cumberland and at Chatham.64 By the late nineteenth century, Saint John was home to the “first significant Jewish community of the Maritime region … and by 1896, when the community numbered some thirty families, a congregation named Ahavath Achim – Brotherly Love – was formed.”65 The Saint John community maintained close ties with Boston and New York during those formative years.
In the early decades of nation building, the construction of intercontinental railways, and increasing urbanization across Canada, all religious traditions had to adapt to new challenges. Presbyterian evangelists William Meikle and John Gerrior, for example, held weeks-long “protracted” revival meetings under a large tent in “the railway hub” of Moncton in 1886, focusing especially on the “hundreds of men whose lives are constantly imperilled in the public service [on the railway and its machine shops] and in whose hands the lives of thousands of others are daily entrusted.”66 These evangelists, often in partnership with the YMCA, held similar meetings at other points along the railways, such as Newcastle and Campbellton, offering in their revivalism and men’s activities, a kind of “muscular” Christianity that they felt was needed during the upheavals of urbanization and as a complement (or counterpoint) to the strong female leadership of Victorian religious life.67 Churches across the theological spectrum agreed that Christianity must engage with the most pressing social questions of the day, even if their responses had different denominational accents.
Religious life in what is now New Brunswick has been shaped by the dovetailing of continental or global connections and local culture. The worldview of Indigenous people in the Dawnland was informed by long-distance influences and networks across Turtle Island but also uniquely adapted to the landscape and lifeways of this region. European missionaries were part of global organizations that reached places as diverse as Japan and Brazil, but in Mi’kma’ki had to adapt to different story cycles and relations with the non-human world. Acadian settlers arrived from religiously pluralistic and fractious France but in coastal communities here often cultivated their own lay spirituality. After the grand dérangement, the spectrum of Protestant settlers around the Bay of Fundy included those who participated in a transatlantic evangelical movement sparked by the Great Awakening and those who were part of cosmopolitan churches that worried about enthusiasm and social order. Through the nineteenth century, Anglicans were influenced by (or reacted against) Tractarianism and Catholics by Ultramontanism, and all denominations were affected by the Atlantic migrations caused by European famines or imperial settlement schemes.
Throughout the twentieth century, religion continued to be shaped by the intersection of the global and the local. In the era of the World Wars, churches were among the sites where New Brunswickers negotiated their local, British imperial, and Canadian national identities. Indigenous ceremonies and teachings in this region have developed in generative dialogue with aboriginal peoples from across the continent and around the world. Emerging from its Holiness roots, Pentecostalism became one of the most dynamic movements of the century, and has continued to evolve as its strength shifts to the Global South. The creation in 1925 of the United Church of Canada from a merger of (many, but not all) Congregational, Methodist, and Presbyterian churches created what Phyllis Airhart has called a “church with the soul of a nation” and changed the denominational panorama.68 Changing immigration policies altered the complexion of New Brunswick communities and diversified the religious landscape. The century witnessed waves of church building in the suburbs, and the attempts by religious groups to remain vital during the Cold War and peace movement, the sexual revolution, and debates over bilingualism and multiculturalism. Religious institutions have waxed and waned in the public sphere, but lived religious experience continued in this unique but connected place.
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Reid, Jennifer. Finding Kluskap: A Journey into Mi’kmaw Myth. Penn State University Press, 2016.
Risk, Shannon M. “Forming the Female Moral Citizen in Nineteenth-Century New Brunswick.” American Review of Canadian Studies 48, no. 2 (June 2018): 209–20.
———. “‘In Order to Establish Justice’: The Nineteenth-Century Woman Suffrage Movements of Maine and New Brunswick.” The University of Maine, 2009.
Ross, H. Miriam. “Women’s Strategies for Mission: Hannah Maria Norris Blazes the Trail in 1870.” Historical Papers: Canadian Society of Church History, 1992, 5–23.
Sable, Trudy, and Bernie Francis. The Language of This Land, Mi’kma’ki. Sydney, NS: Cape Breton University Press, 2012.
See, Scott W. “Orange Order and Social Violence in Mid-Nineteenth Century Saint John, The.” Acadiensis 13, no. 1 (1983): 68–92.
Senier, Siobhan, ed. Dawnland Voices: An Anthology of Indigenous Writing from New England. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2014.
Spray, W. A. The Blacks in New Brunswick. Fredericton, N.B.: Brunswick Press, 1972.
Sutherland, David A. “Voluntary Societies and the Process of Middle-Class Formation in Early-Victorian Halifax, Nova Scotia.” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5 (1994): 237–63.
Tulchinsky, Gerald. Canada’s Jews: A People’s Journey. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008.
Upton, Leslie F. S. Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes, 1713-1867. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1979.
Webb, Todd. Transatlantic Methodists: British Wesleyanism and the Formation of an Evangelical Culture in Nineteenth-Century Ontario and Quebec. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2013.
Whitfield, Harvey Amani. North to Bondage: Loyalist Slavery in the Maritimes. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2016.
Wicken, William C. “Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi’kmaq Society, 1500-1760.” PhD, McGill University, 1994.
- 1Micah Pawling, “Wabanaki Homeland and Mobility: Concepts of Home in Nineteenth-Century Maine,” Ethnohistory 63, no. 4 (2016): 621–43; Jeffers Lennox, Homelands and Empires: Indigenous Spaces, Imperial Fictions, and Competition for Territory in Northeastern North America, 1690–1763 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2017); Alexandra Montgomery, “Projecting Power in the Dawnland: Weaponizing Settlement in the Gulf of Maine World, 1710-1800” (PhD Diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2020); Thomas Peace, Slow Rush of Colonization: Spaces of Power in the Maritime Peninsula, 1680-1790 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2024).
- 2Trudy Sable and Bernie Francis, The Language of This Land, Mi’kma’ki (Sydney, NS: Cape Breton University Press, 2012); Diane Chisholm, “Mi’kmaw Worldview,” in Muiwlanej Kikamaqki–Honouring Our Ancestors: Mi’kmaq Who Left a Mark on the History of the Northeast, 1680 to 1980, ed. Janet Elizabeth Chute, Studies in Atlantic Canada History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2023), 435.
- 3Philip K. Bock, “Micmac,” in Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 15: Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1978), 116–17; Vincent O. Erickson, “Maliseet-Passamaquoddy,” in Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 15: Northeast, 132–33; Sable and Francis, The Language of This Land; Jennifer Reid, Finding Kluskap: A Journey into Mi’kmaw Myth (Penn State University Press, 2016); Bernard Gilbert Hoffman, “The Historical Ethnography of the Micmac of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries” (PhD, University of California, Berkeley, 1955), 344–504; Marie Battiste, “Nikanikinútmaqn [Introduction],” in The Míkmaw Concordat, ed. James Youngblood Henderson (Halifax, N.S.: Fernwood, 1997), 13–20; Philip S. LeSourd, ed., Tales from Maliseet Country: The Maliseet Texts of Karl V. Teeter, Studies in the Anthropology of North American Indians (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2009); Siobhan Senier, ed., Dawnland Voices: An Anthology of Indigenous Writing from New England (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2014).
- 4Bock, “Micmac,” 117.
- 5Bock, 116–17; Hoffman, “Historical Ethnography,” 377–428; Harald E. L. Prins, The Mi’Kmaq: Resistance, Accommodation, and Cultural Survival, Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology (1996; reprint, Mason, OH: Cengage, 2002), 36.
- 6Reid, Finding Kluskap, 31–32; Prins, The Mi’Kmaq, 21.
- 7Sable and Francis, The Language of This Land, 25.
- 8On Catholic missionary activity in the Northeast, see William C. Wicken, “Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi’kmaq Society, 1500-1760” (PhD, McGill University, 1994), 309–74; Prins, The Mi’Kmaq, 71–87; Laura M. Chmielewski, The Spice of Popery: Converging Christianities on an Early American Frontier (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2011); Tracy Neal Leavelle, The Catholic Calumet: Colonial Conversions in French and Indian North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012); Matteo Binasco, “Few, Uncooperative, and Endangered: The Troubled Activity of the Roman Catholic Missionaries in Acadia (1610-1710),” Reformation & Renaissance Review 8, no. 3 (February 6, 2006): 321–47; Matteo Binasco, French Missionaries in Acadia/Nova Scotia, 1654 -1755: On a Risky Edge, Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022).
- 9See the helpful map, adapting the work of Matteo Binasco, at Peace, Slow Rush of Colonization, 68.
- 10N. E. S. Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian: A North American Border People, 1604-1755 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2005), 19–21; Binasco, “Few, Uncooperative, and Endangered,” 337-338. Binasco notes that political pressure on missionaries and priests increased at the end of the seventeenth century and especially following the Conquest of 1710.
- 11Prins, The Mi’Kmaq, 71–87.
- 12Rachel Bryant, The Homing Place: Indigenous and Settler Literary Legacies of the Atlantic (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2017); Leslie F. S. Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes, 1713-1867 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1979), 33–34; Linford D. Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening: Religion and the Shaping of Native Cultures in Early America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 55–59, 137, 161.
- 13Reid, Finding Kluskap, 49-71, and see 54 for her suggestion about respect for grandmothers; Upton, Micmacs and Colonists, 157–58; Colby Gaudet, “Sacramental Communities: Atlantic Catholics and Sociopolitical Formations in British Nova Scotia” (PhD, Concordia University, 2024), 20–21, 186.
- 14Gregory M. W. Kennedy, Something of a Peasant Paradise?: Comparing Rural Societies in Acadie and the Loudunais, 1604-1755 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014), 173; and on this period of mission activity, see Wicken, “Encounters with Tall Sails,” 330–46 and Peace, Slow Rush of Colonization, 166–67.
- 15Kennedy, Something of a Peasant Paradise?, 172–73.
- 16 Kennedy, 168-205.
- 17John Clarence Webster, The Career of the Abbé Le Loutre in Nova Scotia, with a Translation of His Autobiography (Shediac, N.B.: Privately printed, 1933); Gérard Finn, “Le Loutre (LeLoutre), Jean-Louis,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography (University of Toronto / Université Laval, 2003), https://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/le_loutre_jean_louis_4E.html.
- 18Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Nota Bene / Yale University Press, 2005); Tony Claydon and Ian McBride, Protestantism and National Identity: Britain and Ireland, c. 1650-c. 1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Katherine Carté, Religion and the American Revolution: An Imperial History (Chapel Hill, NC: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture / University of North Carolina Press, 2021).
- 19T. Stephen Henderson and Wendy G. Robicheau, The Nova Scotia Planters in the Atlantic World (Fredericton: Acadiensis Press, 2012); Montgomery, “Projecting Power.”
- 20As cited in Lyman N. Harding, Citizens with the Saints: A Brief History of Anglicanism in New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB: The Sesquicentennial Committee of the Diocese of Fredericton, 1994), 8.
- 21Henry Alline, The Life and Journal of the Rev. Mr. Henry Alline (Boston: Gilbert & Dean, 1806); J. M. Bumsted, Henry Alline (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971); George A. Rawlyk, Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1984); David G. Bell, Henry Alline and Maritime Religion (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1993); Keith Shepherd Grant, Enthusiasms and Loyalties: The Public History of Private Feelings in the Enlightenment Atlantic, Early Canada / Avant Le Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2022), chs. 5-6.
- 22Bell, Henry Alline and Maritime Religion, 9–10; James Beverley and Barry Moody, eds., The Journal of Henry Alline, Baptist Heritage in Atlantic Canada (Hantsport, N.S.: Lancelot Press, 1982), 107–8, 175–80.
- 23Rawlyk, Ravished by the Spirit; Nancy Christie, “‘In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion’: Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order, 1760-1815,” in The Canadian Protestant Experience, 1760-1990, ed. George A. Rawlyk (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990), 9–47; Grant, Enthusiasms and Loyalties, 130–49; Nathan O. Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).
- 24Henry Alline, Hymns and Spiritual Songs, 3rd ed. (Dover, NH: Samuel Bragg, Jun., 1797); Alline, The Life and Journal; Henry Alline and George A. Rawlyk, Henry Alline: Selected Writings, Sources of American Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1987); Gwendolyn Davies, “Literary Cultures in the Maritime Provinces,” in History of the Book in Canada, ed. Patricia Fleming, Gilles Gallichan, and Yvan Lamonde, vol. 1: Beginnings to 1840 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 370–71; Grant, Enthusiasms and Loyalties, 150–75.
- 25For the persistence of Allinite evangelicalism among later Baptist leadership, see Daniel C. Goodwin, Into Deep Waters: Evangelical Spirituality and Maritime Calvinistic Baptist Ministers, 1790-1855 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2010).
- 26Ann Gorman Condon, The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick: The Envy of the American States (Fredericton, NB: New Ireland Press, 1984).
- 27“An Act for Preserving the Church of England, as by Law Established in This Province, and for Securing Liberty of Conscience in Matters of Religion,” 26 George III Chapter 4 New Brunswick § (1786), British North American Legislative Database, 1758-1867; https://bnald.lib.unb.ca/legislation/act-preserving-church-england-law-established-province-and-securing-liberty-conscience.
- 28On the application of this Act, see D. G. Bell, “Religious Liberty and Protestant Dissent in Loyalist New Brunswick,” UNB Law Journal 36 (1987): 149–57.
- 29Bell, “Religious Liberty,” 157–62; W. S. MacNutt, New Brunswick: A History: 1784-1867 (Toronto: MacMillan, 1963), 170.
- 30Sandra McCann Fuller, “The Loyalist Quaker Settlement, Pennfield, New Brunswick, 1783,” Canadian Quaker History Journal 74 (2009): 62–79.
- 31Fuller, “Loyalist Quaker Settlement,” 66, 70.
- 32On the Black Loyalists, see especially James St. G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (1976; reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999); Stephen Davidson, Black Loyalists in New Brunswick: The Lives of Eight African Americans in Colonial New Brunswick 1783-1834 (Halifax, NS: Formac, 2020); Harvey Amani Whitfield, North to Bondage: Loyalist Slavery in the Maritimes (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2016).
- 33David George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” ed. John Rippon, Baptist Annual Register (London) 1 (1790-1793): 483. George explains that he was required to seek a license to preach from the Governor, and that the license gave him permission to “instruct the Black people” in the Christian religion. As in Nova Scotia, however, white people were also drawn to his preaching. For the legal context, see Bell, “Religious Liberty,” 151.
- 34W. A. Spray, The Blacks in New Brunswick (Fredericton, N.B.: Brunswick Press, 1972), 42–51.
- 35Keith Shepherd Grant, “‘He Is Sent to This Place, and Good Will Result to the Cause of God’: Young Richard Preston, Race, and Religion in Early-19th-Century Nova Scotia,” Acadiensis 53, no. 1 (Spring/printemps 2024): 8–36.
- 36Christie, “In These Times”; Grant, Enthusiasms and Loyalties.
- 37Denis McKim, “Anxious Anglicans, Complicated Catholics, and Disruptive Dissenters: Christianity and the Search for Social Order in the Age of Revolution,” in Violence, Order, and Unrest: A History of British North America, 1749-1876, ed. Elizabeth Mancke et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019), 53–77; Carté, Religion and the American Revolution.
- 38George A. Rawlyk, ed., The New Light Letters and Spiritual Songs, 1778-1793 (Hantsport, NS: Lancelot Press, 1983); David G. Bell, Newlight Baptist Journals of James Manning and James Innis (Hantsport, NS: Lancelot Press, 1984); David Bell, ed., The Canadian Journal of Ziba Pope, Baptist Heritage in Atlantic Canada (Wolfville, NS: Acadia Divinity College, 2022); G.S. French, “Black, William,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography (University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003), https://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/black_william_1760_1834_6E.html?revision_id=32625; Hannah M. Lane, “Revivalism, Historians, and Lived Religion in the Eastern Canada-United States Borderlands,” in Revival and Resurgence in Christian History, ed. Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory, Studies in Church History 44 (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2008), 251-61; Todd Webb, Transatlantic Methodists: British Wesleyanism and the Formation of an Evangelical Culture in Nineteenth-Century Ontario and Quebec (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2013).
- 39Judith Fingard, “The New England Company and the New Brunswick Indians, 1786-1826: A Comment on the Colonial Perversion of British Benevolence,” Acadiensis 1, no. 2 (1972): 29–49; William Kellaway, The New England Company, 1649-1776: Missionary Society to the American Indians (London: Longmans, 1961).
- 40Fingard, “New England Company.”
- 41Terrence Murphy, “The Emergence of Maritime Catholicism, 1781-1830,” Acadiensis 13, no. 2 (1984): 40.
- 42“An Act for the Relief of His Majesty’s Roman Catholic Subjects,” 10 & 11 George IV Chapter 7 New Brunswick § (1829), British North American Legislative Database, 1758-1867, https://bnald.lib.unb.ca/legislation/act-relief-his-majestys-roman-catholic-subjects-18th-april-1829; For context, see John Garner, “The Enfranchisement of Roman Catholics in the Maritimes,” The Canadian Historical Review 34, no. 3 (1953): 203–18; Murphy, “Emergence of Maritime Catholicism.”
- 43P.M. Toner, “Foundations of the Catholic Church in English-Speaking New Brunswick, The,” in New Ireland Remembered: Historical Essays on the Irish in New Brunswick, ed. P.M. Toner (Fredericton, N.B.: New Ireland Press, 1988), 63–70.
- 44Léon Thériault, “The Acadianization of Ecclesiastical Structures in the Maritimes, 1758-1953,” in Acadia of the Maritimes, ed. Jean Daigle (Moncton, NB: Université de Moncton, Centre d’études acadiennes, 1995), 417–29.
- 45Michael P. Carroll, “Were the Acadians/Cajuns (Really) ‘Devout Catholics’?,” Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 31, no. 3–4 (2002): 323–37; Gaudet, “Sacramental Communities.”
- 46Scott W. See, “The Orange Order and Social Violence in Mid-Nineteenth Century Saint John,” Acadiensis 13, no. 1 (1983): 68–92; Scott W. See, Riots in New Brunswick: Orange Nativism and Social Violence in the 1840s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993); T. W. Acheson, Saint John: The Making of a Colonial Urban Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 92–114; P. M. Toner, New Ireland Remembered: Historical Essays on the Irish in New Brunswick (Fredericton, N.B.: New Ireland Press, 1989).
- 47Acheson, Saint John, 115–159; David A. Sutherland, “Voluntary Societies and the Process of Middle-Class Formation in Early-Victorian Halifax, Nova Scotia,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5 (1994): 237–63; Darren Ferry, Uniting in Measures of Common Good: The Construction of Liberal Identities in Central Canada, 1830-1900 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008); Grant, Enthusiasms and Loyalties, 191–95.
- 48Judith Fingard, “The 1820s: Peace, Privilege, and the Promise of Progress,” in The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History, ed. Phillip Buckner and John Reid (Toronto and Fredericton: University of Toronto Press and Acadiensis Press, 1994), 273, and see 281–82.
- 49Wendy Mitchinson, “Canadian Women and Church Missionary Societies in the Nineteenth Century: A Step Towards Independence,” Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice 2, no. 2 (1977): 57–75; H. Miriam Ross, “Women’s Strategies for Mission: Hannah Maria Norris Blazes the Trail in 1870,” Historical Papers: Canadian Society of Church History, 1992, 5–23; Darcy Lynn Elliot, “Motherly Mission: Ideal Motherhood, the Women’s Missionary Movement and the Experience of Hannah Maria Norris Armstrong (1842-1919)” (M.A., University of New Brunswick, 2008); Shannon M. Risk, “‘In Order to Establish Justice’: The Nineteenth-Century Woman Suffrage Movements of Maine and New Brunswick” (PhD, The University of Maine, 2009); Shannon M. Risk, “Forming the Female Moral Citizen in Nineteenth-Century New Brunswick,” American Review of Canadian Studies 48, no. 2 (June 2018): 209–20.
- 50Bell, “Religious Liberty,” esp. 150, 161-162.
- 51Harding, Citizens with the Saints, 17–36; Gregg Finley and Lynn Wigginton, On Earth as It Is in Heaven: Gothic Revival Churches of Victorian New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB: Goose Lane, 1995).
- 52Finley and Wigginton, On Earth as It Is in Heaven.
- 53Helen Kristmanson, A Short History of Beaumont, New Brunswick, New Brunswick Manuscripts in Archaeology 37 (Fredericton, N.B.: Culture and Sport Secretariat, Province of New Brunswick, 2004), esp. 9-10.
- 54MacNutt, New Brunswick, 414–61; Martin Spigelman, “The Acadian Renaissance and the Development of Acadien-Canadien Relations, 1864-1912” (Ph.D., Halifax, N.S, Dalhousie University, 1975), 60–89; David Koffman, “Confederation as an Intra-Christian Pact,” Canada Watch: Robarts Centre for Canadian Studies of York University (Spring 2016): 10–12.
- 55This paragraph relies on the detailed account of Spigelman, “Acadian Renaissance,” 90–147.
- 56Spigelman, “Acadian Renaissance”; Sheila M. Andrew, The Development of Elites in Acadian New Brunswick, 1861-1881 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1996); Chantal Richard, “Acadian Collective Identity Before and After Confederation: The Case of New Brunswick Acadians,” Canadian Issues 36 (Fall 2014): 24–28.
- 57Thériault, “Acadianization,” 430.
- 58Thériault, 430–31.
- 59Spigelman, “Acadian Renaissance,” 427-428 (and for the long push for an Acadian bishop, 390-430).
- 60Thériault, “Acadianization,” 442–43.
- 61Judith Fingard, “A Tale of Two Preachers: Henry Hartley, Francis Robinson and the Black Churches of the Maritimes,” Journal of the Royal Nova Scotia Historical Society 5 (September 2002): 26; Judith Fingard, “Race and Respectability in Victorian Halifax,” The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 20, no. 2 (May 1992): 169–95.
- 62Fingard, “A Tale of Two Preachers,” 26; J.B. Cahill, “Walker, Abraham Beverley,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography (University of Toronto/Université Laval, 1994), https://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/walker_abraham_beverley_13E.html?revision_id=26037.
- 63Fingard, “A Tale of Two Preachers,” 28.
- 64Steven Lapidus, “The Golden Century?: Jews in Nineteenth-Century British North America,” in Canada’s Jews: In Time, Space and Spirit, ed. Ira Robinson, Jews in Space and Time (Brighton, MA: Academic Studies Press, 2013), 35; Gerald Tulchinsky, Canada’s Jews: A People’s Journey (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), 53–54; M. M. Lazar and Sheva Medjuck, Jews on the Fringe: The Development of the Jewish Community of Atlantic Canada, Ethnic Identity in Atlantic Canada (Halifax, N.S.: International Education Centre / Saint Mary’s University, 1981); Sheva Medjuck, Jews of Atlantic Canada (St. John’s, NL: Breakwater, 1986), 22-30; Jan Goeb, “The Maritimes,” Viewpoints: Canadian Jewish Quarterly 7, no. 3/4 (Winter/Spring 1973): 9-23; Marcia Koven, Weaving the Past into the Present: A Glimpse into the 130 Year History of the Saint John Jewish Community (Saint John, N.B.: Saint John Jewish Historical Museum, 1989).
- 65Tulchinsky, Canada’s Jews, 54–55.
- 66“The Maritime Religious Wave,” Moncton Daily Times, January 5, 1886, p. 2.
- 67John Webster Grant, “Presbyterian Revivals,” in The Contribution of Presbyterianism to the Maritime Provinces of Canada, ed. Charles H. H. Scobie and G. A. Rawlyk (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997), 123–24; Clifford Putney, Muscular Christianity: Manhood and Sports in Protestant America, 1880-1920 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001).
- 68Phyllis Airhart, A Church with the Soul of a Nation: Making and Remaking the United Church of Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014).